HHistorical Perspective
Historical and contemporary issues shape the relationship between the First Peoples of Australia and the wider community. An understanding of these issues is crucial for communities seeking potential Aboriginal partners. There are many sources of information on Aboriginal issues and historical perspectives, and awareness enables mutually respectful relationships to develop.
Therefore, it is necessary to examine the history of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal relationships in Australia to understand why Aboriginal Peoples continue to suffer such disadvantage in Australian society today.
Since colonisation, there has been a systematic approach to deny the recognition of customary law through racist policies:
Dispersal – The policy of ‘dispersal’ was in reality a policy of systematic slaughter of the Aboriginal population. English law did not protect Aboriginal people in the colonial period, even though they were tried, convicted and hanged according to such law.
Protection – The official policy regarding Aboriginal people became ‘protection’ during the latter half of the nineteenth century. Aboriginal people became recognised as a source of labour and were indentured as servants to landholders. This policy of protection prevented the ongoing slaughter of the Aboriginal people but it did not give them any legal rights. The passing of the Aborigines Protection Act (NSW) in 1909 allowed greater control of Aboriginal people by the government. This remained in force until 1969 (only 35 years ago).
Segregation – In 1936, the policy of ‘segregation’ of Aboriginal people became more pronounced. Many children were removed from their parents’ care at a young age and placed in Institutional Care/Foster Homes. These children were trained in the ways of the non-Aboriginal population. Aboriginal people were separated, in the hope that half-caste people would be absorbed into non-Aboriginal society and that they would lose their connection with Aboriginal society. (Segregation means the separation of one group of people from the rest of society)
Assimilation – State and Federal governments adopted a policy of ‘assimilation’ during the 1950’s and 1960’s. Assimilation was a policy based on the assumption that ‘all persons of Aboriginal descent will choose to attain a similar manner and standard of living to that of other Australians and live as members of a single Australian community. (Commonwealth Parliamentary Papers, 3, 1963, p. 651)
Integration – In the early 1970’s, particularly during the Whitlam era, the arrogant stance of the assimilation policy was recognised. Governments adopted a policy of ‘integration’ instead. (Integration recognised the right of Aboriginal people to maintain their traditions, culture and languages and to choose to live in their own communities)
Reconciliation – Formal ‘reconciliation’ is where there is an official recognition of a shared past, present and future between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people. This would require an understanding between the two communities to acknowledge past injustices. However, true reconciliation can never be made if the injustice felt by Aboriginal people in all areas of the law and social disadvantage is not addressed.
Self Determination – is an internationally recognised right of all peoples. One of the most controversial aspects of self-determination internationally is the right claimed by Aboriginal peoples to control their own traditional lands and economy.
Prior to colonisation Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people lived on separate continents and knew nothing of one another. Aboriginal people were moved off their land and they lost all claim to the land because of the doctrine of terra nullius. However, in 1992 the High Court of Australia in the Mabo decision overturned the doctrine of terra nullius.
The Mabo decision dispelled the legal myth that Australia belonged to no one, which questioned the application of the doctrine of terra nullius wherein:
The English owned all the land;
Aboriginal people were subject to English law; and
The English were not subject to Aboriginal law.
The past thirty years have been characterised by misguided legislative and policy changes, which have not addressed the disadvantage of Aboriginal People but further marginalised and devalued and assisted in the destruction of what little remained of Aboriginal language, culture and tradition.
The 1967 referendum was more symbolic than practical, and did not really change Aboriginal Peoples real legal status or living conditions and there have been many laws passed since in an attempt to achieve social justice for Aboriginal people.
Aboriginal people approach partnership with a strong sense of history and today partnerships between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal organisations are taking place within a broader political, social and economic context. Considering the diversity of the Aboriginal community on the Central Coast and their uniqueness, Aboriginal Peoples share common aims:
Aboriginal people see increased access to land and resources as important to social and economic change. Negotiation of land claims is a key part of this process. In addition, cooperative resource management agreements are offering another mechanism for increased Aboriginal influence over land and resources. For example, the Ourimbah Protocol established in April 2003.
Economic self-sufficiency is a widely shared goal. Although there have been many advances in recent years, Aboriginal economic development is still fragile, with a continued need for improved access to capital. In addition, Aboriginal communities recognise that increased educational attainment, positive attitudes to business growth, better management skills, improved infrastructure, improvements in health and housing are all important to achieving the goal of economic independence.
Education and training are major priorities. The education gap between Aboriginal and the non-Aboriginal population is narrowing slowly. When jobs require more education, there are many Aboriginal people who still find themselves without the required level of skills to compete successfully for the jobs that are available.
The complex political, social, economic and cultural changes that are taking place are contributing to the emergence of a modern Aboriginal society.
The education of the members of any society has always been a major part of life. Prior to colonisation, education revolved around what was required for day-to-day living and the individual’s responsibility to family and group. This involved learning the customs, culture and laws of the group and the individual’s position in the social structure.
The need to learn who they are and what responsibility they have to other Aboriginal people still remains a major reason for education of our people. But survival in today’s world equally involves the need to acquire a high level of literacy, communication and life skills necessary to function in two cultural worlds: theirs and that of non-Aboriginal Australia.[1]
Although there is a slight improvement in retention and attainment, the dropout rate is still considered to be alarming, which places enormous pressure on social behaviours within each community. This problem is compounded by the fact that poor education outcomes lead to poor employment opportunities, living standards and conditions.
Profile of Central Coast Indigenous Peoples
The relationship between unemployment status and lower education levels provides a clear demonstration of the need to reach and encourage young people to attain a higher level of education. This is particularly evident when comparing male and female ‘highest education’ levels and may also raise questions to the relevance of the current school curriculum for boys, the impact of existing male role modelling and/or other aspects of Aboriginal culture.[2]
Aboriginal people are three to four times more likely to be unemployed than non-Aboriginal Australians. Many of those who do work are employed in special Aboriginal employment programs. At the same time, there is an emerging middle class of Aboriginal professionals who work and rely upon the Public Sector for employment; Aboriginal Affairs is a billion dollar enterprise.
The consequences of unemployment remaining at levels in excess of 40% of the local Aboriginal community are such that the cycle of welfare dependence, low self-esteem and family breakdown resulting from financial stress and hardship will become increasingly difficult to overcome.
In particular, the level of Aboriginal unemployment for men and women in the 15 to 34 years age groups stands out as a critical area for action – work and life experiences for people in their most physically active and capable years need to be changed to a positive rather than the negative focus currently existing.[3]
Profile of Central Coast Indigenous Peoples
A major role of the CDEP is on the job training and any further training the participant may require will need to be assessed by the Host Employer followed by a meeting with the Manager of the CDEP to discuss and organise training for the participant.
This will then enable Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander people to apply for positions with the prerequisite accreditation certificates needed to compete with the broader community in full time employment.
The placement of CDEP participants works in a similar fashion to work experience. The participant is required to work up to 14 hours or equivalent to $201 per week depending on the hourly rate of pay for the position that participant is doing.
CDEP participants whilst working with host employers are covered by Darkinjung CDEP Workers Compensation. The work done by CDEP participants can be in many areas eg; Land Care, Hospitality, Childcare and Office work in the Darkinjung LALC region.
CDEP programs have been run in a variety of project fields such as computer repairs, horticulture, vehicle maintenance, art workshops, tourism and small business. The opportunities are very wide and dependent upon the accredited training, office administration as well as proper supervision.
It is a requirement of the funding body that timesheets are in place and at the end of their second day the CDEP participant needs to complete timesheets and get the workplace supervisor to sign his/her timesheet.
The matters of public liability insurance and the participant’s work in a safe environment in accordance with Occupational Health & Safety regulations are stipulations set down by the funding body for CDEP Host Employers.
Darkinjung’s Indigenous Employment Centre (IEC)
The Darkinjung Indigenous Employment Centre has the capacity to take on 75 CDEP participants who are classified as job ready. The main outcome is permanent employment.
Permanent employment is classified as:
Permanent (Full Time) Employees
All employees other than Casual or Fixed Term employees whose regular hours of work are 75 per fortnight shall be Permanent (Full Time) employees. The majority of employees will be in this category.
Permanent (Part Time) Employees.
All employees other than Casual or Fixed Term employees whose regular hours are 64 or less per fortnight shall be Permanent Part Time employees.
The idea is to get people out of unemployment or what is now viewed as short-term solutions such as CDEP programs. The reality of the situation is that some families will only get part employment whether that be shift work in areas such as security jobs or hospitality at night, or young mothers who may only be able to work part hours at present, due to family commitments hence the flexibility in program allowances.
The IEC has funds available for training to provide its participants with further training or skills.
After people are placed in permanent employment for five weeks the CDEP program can recruit replacements from the local region to replace the vacancies created by IEC. Both CDEP and IEC receive incentive from the Commonwealth Government to ensure that they have funds to assist in the recruitment and training of new people so the system can perpetuate itself.[4]
Housing has a central relationship to other issues in Aboriginal wellbeing, especially poverty and health. In towns and cities, increasing Aboriginal access to private rental housing and ‘mainstream’ public housing remains an important issue. The provision of enough housing to catch up and keep up with needs requires enormous expenditure. In addition maintenance costs are now becoming a significant issue because houses occupied by Aboriginal communities are deteriorating rapidly for want of finance and an effective maintenance system.[5]
Public Housing: The housing situation of Aboriginal people is well below the standard of other Australians despite efforts to improve the situation. The NSW Department of Housing supplies housing for Aboriginal people in the same way as for all other public housing applicants. Aboriginal housing is also available under a separate Department of Housing programs, through the Aboriginal Housing Office.
Home Ownership: Only 35% of Aboriginal Peoples own or are purchasing their own homes compared with 70% of all Australians (ABS, 1996). Thus, Aboriginal Peoples predominantly rely on private and public rental accommodation far more than other Australians.
Darkinjung LALC is working with both Gosford City Council and Wyong Shire Council to develop sustainable housing opportunities for its members. The Darkinjung LALC has a large number of low-income families who are forced to accept accommodation at the lower end of the market, but this will be a main priority for Darkinjung LALC to address in the very near future.
Darkinjung LALC has established a Housing Sub-Committee, which will, in conjunction with staff, coordinate a strategy to place people and families in suitable accommodation as development projects, or joint ventures are entered into, specifically to a set number of housing projects for an identified number of families.[6]
Health has been one of the most telling markers of the recent history of Aboriginal people and of their position in Australian society. Aboriginal people have generally higher rates of illness and death, live in more impoverished circumstances and have access to poorer health services and facilities than most non-Aboriginal people. The patterns of ill health and social distress, which characterise Aboriginal communities, have more in common with societies such as the Inuit (Eskimo), Native Americans (American Indians) or New Zealand Maori – those that constitute the colonised Indigenous minorities of nation states. The parallels in health and social status between these groups are striking, and highlight some of the commonalities in the experiences of displaced and dispossessed minorities.[7]
The health of Aboriginal Peoples is well below the national average. Although funding for national Aboriginal health was increased in 1994, raising the standard of health of the Aboriginal population has been hampered by lack of coordination between State and Federal agencies. Responsibility for Aboriginal health was moved from ATSIC to the Federal Department of Health in 1995.
Life Expectancy between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people
(These are figures of life expectancy of someone born today) [8]
Here on the Central Coast, the responsibility for Aboriginal health has been given to the Aboriginal communities themselves and the focus has switched from clinical, curative medicine to primary care and prevention.
There has been much progress in Aboriginal Health on the Central Coast since 1995. The Central Coast Area Health Services (CCAHS) has moved from an informal partnership through the Aboriginal Health Advisory Committee (AHAC) to the signing of a formal Partnership Agreement with Yerin Aboriginal Health Services in November 2000.[9]
The differing age structure of the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal populations need to be considered when analysing health-related data. The Aboriginal population of the Central Coast has a greater proportion of younger people than the general population, and a significantly lesser population over the age of 44 compared to the general population, as the Graphs below indicate.[10]
Central Coast Aboriginal Health Strategic Plan 2004-2008
[1] General Editor, David Horton, ‘The Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia’, Volume 1 A-L (p328) (1994)
[2] Profile of Central Coast Indigenous Peoples (P34)
[3] Profile of Central Coast Indigenous Peoples (P34)
[4] Authorised by Darkinjung LALC
[5] General Editor, David Horton, ‘The Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia’, Volume 1 A-L (p479) (1994)
[6] Authorised by Darkinjung LALC
[7] General Editor, David Horton, ‘The Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia’, Volume 1 A-L (p456) (1994)
[8] ABS Census 2001
[9] Central Coast Aboriginal Health Strategic Plan 2004 -2005
[10] Central Coast Aboriginal Health Strategic Plan 2004-2008
